Dear Senator Warner:
Medical Peer Review abuse and the danger to Public Health and the Free Market
The Health Care Quality Improvement Act recommends but does not require that doctors be accorded procedural due process in medical peer review proceedings.42 USC11112(b)Currently most states(including Virginia) are endangering the public health and violating antitrust law by allowing doctors to lose privileges without the opportunity to defend themselves. Incompetent,greedy and prejudiced doctors can meet in secret and remove the privileges of more competent colleagues arbitrarily. Although confidentiality has its place,the system is so prone to abuse that good doctors have had their lives and careers ruined by jealous colleagues who wish to interfere with the free market and reduce the supply of physicians available to the public in their area. In addition, racial and gender prejudice can cause the same result. Currently the only recourse a targeted doctor has is to sue in Federal Court, but few are aware of this remedy, and it is expensive and time-consuming. However, cases from the U.S. Supreme Court and other Federal courts show clearly how this failure to provide due process can severely damage both the unfairly accused doctor and the public health. Would you and/or Sen. Allen please give serious consideration to amending the HCQIA? It does not need to be repealed,but in its current form it is arguably unconstitutional because of its failure to require the basic elements of due process in administrative legal proceedings.(See,e.g. Goldberg v. Kelly 397 U.S.254(1970)- particularly pages 264,266-271. Thank you for your years of service to veterans and others whose health is endangered by this secret, authoritarian process which has no place in our democracy.
Gray Davis
2030 Meadowlake Ct. Norfolk VA 23518 graydavis@surfbest.netTel: (757)-4746 Fax: (757) 962-9333
Edward G Davis 1315 West Ocean View Ave. Apt. 1 Norfolk VA 23503 Tel: (757) 855-4746
graydavis@surfbest.net
5-18-02
Dear Dr. Amarasinghe,
Here is the basic argument I would use to support our position that you have been denied both your liberty and property rights without the Due Process of Law guaranteed you under the Fourteenth and Fifth Amendments to the U.S. Constitution. I would also argue that the secret peer review process under which Virginia and other states allow physicians to deny or remove other physicians from the right to practice medicine and surgery at public and private hospitals(which receive Hill-Burton funds or other state or federal assistance) violates both procedural and substantive due process in that no hearing is afforded the physician(s) affected. In addition, Section 8.01-581.17 of the Virginia Code also violates procedural and substantive due process in that it requires that all proceedings, minutes ,records and reports of such peer review committees and other groups are privileged communications which may not be disclosed by legal discovery proceedings. Such a statute makes it virtually impossible for a physician to defend him or herself since the Virginia Board of Medicine provides no opportunity for the physician to have a hearing to contest the adverse decision, and the statute prevents the physician from obtaining any evidence with which to contest the decision of the peer review committee - even if a right to a hearing existed.
Fortunately the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Fourth Circuit declined to recognize such a privilege for peer review committees and documents in federal courts, but this is hardly sufficient. In Virmani v. Novant Health,Inc. et.al. (No. 00-2423 - decided: August 1, 2001), the Fourth Circuit followed the U.S. Supreme Courts decision in University of Pennsylvania v. EEOC, 493 U.S. 182 (1990) in which the court declined to create such a privilege because it determined that the costs associated with discrimination outweighed the costs that would ensue from the disclosure of peer review materials. Crucial to the Courts holding was its determination that Congress had balanced the relevant interests and had declined to create a privilege.See University of Pa.supra, at 189-93. The Court found the peer review materials to be especially relevant because the discrimination charge arose from the peer review proceedings themselves:
Confidential material pertaining to other candidates for tenure in a similar time frame may demonstrate that persons with lesser qualifications were granted tenure or that some pattern of discrimination appears ..... The peer review material itself must be investigated to determine whether the evaluations are based in discrimination and whether they are reflected in the tenure decision. It is important to point out here that racial discrimination is not the only allegation which has caused the U.S. Supreme Court and the other Federal Courts to refuse to recognize the state-created privilege in these peer review cases. Nor have the confidentiality laws of the states been trumped by the Federal Courts only in medical peer review cases. Obviously the U.S. Supreme Courts holding in University of Pennsylvania v.E.E.O.C.,supra occurred in the context of a professor seeking tenure, but it is clear that the U.S. Supreme Court, the Fourth Circuit, other Federal Circuit Courts, Federal District Courts and the U.S.Congress are in agreement that when a person has alleged a violation of any civil right protected by Federal law which may have occurred in the peer review process, this outweighs the valid reasons for confidentiality within the peer review process and any documents generated by it. It is obvious that a person who has been denied or lost a job through a secret meeting has no way of showing whether he or she has been denied or lost a job for valid reasons or for reasons which violate the persons basic civil rights or other federal laws unless the person has access to the records,minutes and other documents as well as a hearing at which this and other evidence can be presented.
Many of these cases(including Dr. Shahs antitrust lawsuit against The Memorial Hospital and the Danville,VA. Urologic Clinic,reported in the Danville Register of June 1,1989) involved economic discrimination. Shah received $775,000 in an out of court settlement based on his claim of antitrust violations by the defendants even though U.S. District Court Judge Jackson Kiser ruled that Shah did not have enough evidence to support his claim that the defendants had discriminated against him because he is an Indian, and the Fourth Circuit upheld Judge Kisers decision on the racial claim. The U.S. Supreme Courts decision in University of Pennsylvania v. ,supra, was thorough and quoted numerous U.S. Circuit and District Court decisions as well as analyzing the specific exception which the U.S. Congress made when it refused to recognize a privilege in cases involving allegations that a persons civil rights or other rights protected by federal law(such as antitrust violations) may have been violated. Fundamental fairness supports all these refusals to allow confidentiality laws enacted by states to override basic Constitutional rights and other rights protected by Federal Law.
A peer review committee which meets in secret and knows that the person it is deciding to refuse a job or terminate has no right to a hearing nor to obtain evidence (unless he or she has the money and time to pay for an expensive lawsuit in Federal Court) can do anything it wants for the worst possible reasons and damage the publics health in the process. It can terminate a competent physician because he or she is taking patients away from less competent doctors sitting on the committee. It can protect dangerous physicians and endanger the public because they are part of thegood old boy network, personal friends or because such incompetent physicians might retaliate against equally incompetent doctors sitting on the peer review committee by going to the press if they are terminated. The peer review committee can fatten their wallets by limiting the number of doctors who can practice in a given area which damages the publics health since there arent enough doctors in the area and which violates our commitment to the free market. This,of course, is why most of the cases brought to court involve allegations that federal antitrust laws have been violated. At a time when the country is struggling with the increasing cost of health care, it is crucial to focus on these dangerous nationwide peer review systems as much as on the HMOs and the conflicts and collusion between many doctors and the insurance industry.
A few other cases cited by the U.S.Supreme Court in University of Pennsylvania v. E.E.O.C. should prove useful before proceeding to the due process and discrimination arguments. In Holland v. Muscatine Gen. Hospital, 971 F.Supp. 385, 390(S.D. Iowa 1997) the Federal District Court refused to recognize the privilege in an action brought under Title VII of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and stated that the adequacy of the peer review investigation itself is in issue.It is important to recognize that private hospitals and corporations can be sued under this law. There is no need to find state action or that the private hospital or employer has been accepting Hill-Burton or any other form of federal or state assistance. In Marshall v. Spectrum Medical Group, 198 F.R.D. 1, 5 (D. Me. 2000) the Court refused to recognize a privilege in an action brought under the Americans with Disabilities Act, in part because the suit alleged abuse of the peer review process. The U.S. Court of Appeals for the Fourth Circuit (which includes Virginia) relied heavily on Memorial Hospital v. Shadur, 664 F. 2d 1058,1062,1063 (7th Cir. 1981) in Virmani v. Novant Health,Inc.,supra. In Shadur(quoted in Virmani),the U.S.Court of Appeals for the 7th Circuit stated:
There is no evidence that state legislatures considered the potential impact on discrimination cases of a privilege for medical peer review proceedings. Thus, the states policy decisions,reflecting different concerns than those implicated here, do not inform the judgment of this court in this case. Weighing further against recognizing a privilege here is that, in contrast to a medical malpractice or defamation action, if a plaintiff succeeds in a discrimination case, he advances important public interests in addition to his personal interests. Cf.id. (refusing to recognize a privilege for medical disciplinary proceedings in an antitrust case and observing that if the plaintiff was successful in proving his claim, he would vindicate not only HIS OWN RIGHT TO PRACTICE MEDICINE(emphasis supplied) ...., but also THE STRONG PUBLIC INTEREST IN OPEN AND FAIR COMPETITION WHICH IS EMBODIED IN THE SHERMAN ACT UNDER WHICH THE CASE ARISES).(emphasis supplied)
In Virmani,supra, the Fourth Circuit continued its reliance on the U.S.Supreme Courts holding in University of Pennsylvania,supra, 493 U.S. at 189. We should not recognize a privilege where it appears that Congress has considered the relevant competing concerns but has not provided the privilege itself. University of Pa.,493 U.S. at 189.The district court below found that Congress had considered and rejected a privilege for medical peer review materials when it enacted the Health Care Quality Improvement Act of 1986 (HCQIA). 42 U.S.C.A. Sections 11101-11152(West 1995). The U.S. Court of Appeals then notes that the U.S. Supreme Court followed the reasoning of other district courts that had considered the issue and determined that Congress decided not to establish a privilege for peer review documents. See,e.g., Johnson v. Nyack Hospital, 169 F.R.D. 550, 560 (S.D. N.Y. 1996). Congresss findings with respect to the HCQUIA reflect its concern that medical malpractice and the need to improve the quality of medical care were national problems. See 42 U. S.C.A. Sec. 11101(1). Congress determined that effective peer review would provide a remedy to these problems. See id. Sec. 11101(3). However, The threat of private money damage liability under Federal laws, including treble damage liability under Federal antitrust law, unreasonably discourages physicians from participating in effective professional peer review. Id. sec. 11101(4). Thus Congress concluded that There is an overriding national need to provide incentive and protection for physicians engaging in effective professional peer review. Id. sec. 11101(5). To provide this incentive and protection, Congress provided immunity from liability in damages to participants in the activities of professional review bodies meeting specified standards. See Id. sec. 11111(a). HOWEVER, CONGRESS CREATED AN EXPRESS EXCEPTION TO THE IMMUNITY PROVISION IN THE CASE OF CIVIL RIGHTS ACTIONS.See Id. Sec. 11111(a)1(providing that the exemption from liability in damages SHALL NOT APPLY TO DAMAGES UNDER ANY LAW OF THE UNITED STATES OR ANY STATE RELATING TO THE CIVIL RIGHTS OF ANY PERSON OR PERSONS, including the Civil Rights Act of 1964, 42 U.S.C. 2000e, et. seq..and the Civil Rights Acts, 42 U.S.C. 1981, et. seq.)
It should also be emphasized that the Seventh Circuit expressly declined to recognize a medical peer review privilege in Memorial Hospital v. Shadur, supra, 664 F.2d.1058,10639 &th Cir. 1981(per curiam) when it rejected the privilege in a civil antitrust action and stated that The public interest in private enforcement of federal antitrust law in this context is simply too strong to permit the exclusion of relevant and possibly crucial evidence by application of the Hospitals privilege.(emphasis supplied) Since overriding the privilege in civil rights cases under any law of the United States or any state is only one step in the process (although an absolutely crucial one) if a just decision is to be reached,it is important to stress the language previously quoted which emphasizes that if a plaintiff is successful in proving his claim, he would Vindicate not only his own RIGHT(emphasis supplied) to practice medicine ...., but also the strong public interest in open and fair competition which is embodied in the Sherman Act under which the case arises. This use of the term RIGHT and the constant emphasis of the U.S. Supreme Court ,other Federal Courts and Congress itself on the overriding importance of protecting civil rights under any law of the United States clearly brings these cases within the protection of the due process clauses of the 14th and 5th Amendments to the U.S. Constitution so long as state action (such as the receipt of Hill-Burton funds) on the part of private hospitals can be shown.
The liberty and property interests of persons are accorded even greater protection throughout the legal history of the United States than the protection against racial and other forms of discrimination which include the Equal Protection clause of the 14th Amendment and the other federal civil rights acts already referred to.Before discussing the relevance of the terms liberty and property to the right to pursue a profession and the numerous decisions of the U.S. Supreme Court which include this and other rights within the concepts of liberty and property of which persons(including corporations) cannot be deprived without the due process of law (including hearings as well as full trials), it should be noted that the Fourth Circuit Court of Appeals has held that otherwise private,nonprofit hospitals that receive Hill- Burton funds come within the ambit of the Fourteenth Amendment and are,therefore, affected by state action which renders them instrumentalities of government and thus within the reach of the Fifth and Fourteenth Amendments to the Constitution of the United States.(See Duffield v. Charleston Area Medical Center, Inc., 503 F. 2d 512 (4th Cir. 1974) and Michies Jurisprudence, Hospitals and Sanitariums, Sec. 4,page 261 When a hospital has received Hill- Burton financial assistance, the federal and state involvement is such as to subject the hospital to the obligations of the Fourteenth Amendment, and will sustain federal jurisdiction of a claim of denial of procedural due process, as guaranteed by such amendment, in the withdrawal or revocation of a doctors hospital privileges.In the case of a withdrawal or denial of hospital privileges, procedural due process entitles a physician to a full evidentiary administrative hearing before such privileges may be permanently or finally terminated. See also, Sams v. Ohio Valley Gen. Hosp. Assn, 257 F.Supp. 369(N.D. W.Va. 1966) note 7, Michies Jurisprudence, supra at p.261: If a hospitals involvement in the Hill-Burton program denotes state action in one case, then it must also do so in the other. In neither case does the finding of state action rest upon what group the plaintiffs are members of or of what state action discrimination they specifically complain.
See also, Sams v.Ohio Valley Gen. Hosp. Assn, 413 F.2d 826 (4th Cir. 1969) at note 4 Michies Jurisprudence at page 260. Substantial federal moneys invited and flowing into private ,nonprofit hospitals under the Hill Burton Act entail,in return, obligations of federal constitutional mandates. Disregard of them is state action,for the Act trusts the state to maintain a fair and just governance of these hospitals accepting the aid of the legislation. Of course, a regularly licensed physician and surgeon......does have a right to become a member of the staff of a public hospital, and in the event such right is denied, he must be afforded an opportunity to be heard and to offer his defense to any charges upon which such denial is based. State ex rel. Bronaugh v. City of Parkersburg. 148 W. Va. 568, 136 S.E. 2d 783 (1964) Michies Jurisprudence,supra, pages 258-259. In the present case, the physician and surgeon is a duly licensed practitioner who can bring an action in Federal Court on the grounds of discrimination because of his race(Indian), and under the Federal antitrust laws whether or not state actionexists. However if any defendant comes within the ambit of state action the physician can also sue on the grounds that his constitutional rights under the Due Process and Equal Protection clauses of the Fourteenth Amendment have been violated.In this particular case, it appears that his rights to liberty and property under the Due Process clause of both the Fifth and the Fourteenth Amendments have been violated in the substantive as well as in the procedural sense.However, if for some reason(for example the expiration of a statute of limitations) he decides not to pursue his claims against hospitals in the past, the analysis in this memorandum should prove useful if he decides to apply at various hospitals in Virginia or other states, Washington, D.C. or within various federal districts- some of which may have case law which is more favorable to him than others. If he applied at a public hospital, it would be very difficult to refuse to admit him to the staff or deny him privileges. At private hospitals it could also prove difficult to deny his application-particularly if the hospital took Hill-Burton funds or other forms of government assistance sufficient to constitute state action.
In Washington, D.C. the Due Process clause of the 5th Amendment would apply even though D.C. is not a state and might argue that the 14th Amendment is inapplicable. A little noted,but very important, example of this problem occurred in 1954 when the U.S.Supreme Court used the equal protection clause of the 14th Amendment to declare segregated public schools unconstitutional in the states. Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka et. al. 74 S. Ct. 686. However the Court couldnt use the 14th Amendment to desegregate the public schools in D.C. because D.C. is not a state and the 14th Amendment only applied to the states. Therefore it had to use the Due Process clause of the 5th Amendment and held that the black children had been deprived of their liberty under it since there is no equal protection clause or any other race-based clause in the 5th Amendment since it was enacted long before the Civil War or the abolitionist movement. This shows how broad and powerful the term liberty is.In this case it encompassed education even though there is no right to education in the U.S. Constitution.
The U.S.Supreme Court has also used the terms liberty and property contained in the Due Process clauses of the 5th and 14th Amendments very liberally to create the highly industrialized, corporation-dominated country we know today, but liberals often forget (or are ignorant of) the fact that the terms liberty and property can be used to secure basic human rights (such as the right to pursue and hold lawful employment,various public entitlements such as unemployment compensation, social security, SSI, public assistance and the right to privacy) and should be used to establish the right to health care, housing, food and a job at a living wage or a guaranteed annual income. Without such basic needs being met, it is absurd to say that a person has liberty. You cant vote, exercise free speech or enjoy freedom of religion if youre dead, dying or suffering so badly from lack of income health care or shelter that you cant truly be said to have liberty. This failure of the Constitution to provide for the most basic life-sustaining needs of human beings impacts most severely on children.
They should have a bill of rights which guarantees these needs as well as their safety whether their parents are responsible for their denial of liberty and life itself or not.The ninth Amendment allows us to create rights not enumerated in the Constitution. It should be used in combination with the key concepts of life,liberty and property which are protected by the Due Process Clauses already in the Constitution to secure basic rights without which none of our other rights enumerated in the Bill of Rights can be protected or enjoyed.
Personal and property rights merge in the concept of liberty. American Constitutional law has a long history which demonstrates this fundamental interdependence. The fact that at times the U.S. Supreme Court, other Federal Courts and state courts have favored one essential aspect of individual liberty over another is both a symptom and a creator of the dominant political and economic ideology of the particular time in our history in which they made their decisions. However the fundamental interdependence is deeply rooted in the ideas of our Founding Fathers,in the U.S. Constitution and state constitutions they created and in common sense and statements of major leaders of different political persuasions then and now.
A few years after the Civil war, the Fourteenth Amendment was enacted. Its Due Process clause was initially interpreted narrowly as being intended only to protect African-Americans in their newly- acquired but very limited freedom. Ironically, if the clause had been interpreted more broadly and logically to include property rights within the concept of liberty, African - Americans would have taken a much greater leap towards genuine freedom. Without land and a mule and tools, the newly-freed slaves couldnt support themselves and could hardly be said to be truly free. This is an early demonstration of the fundamental interdependence between personal and property rights which makes liberty real rather than just a phrase on a piece of paper.
The unbalanced and ineffective interpretation of the Due Process Clause was set in motion by the U.S.Supreme Court in 1873 in the Slaughter House cases which adopted the view that the Due Process Clause could not be used to strike down state restrictions on property rights.( See The American Heritage History of the Law in America by Bernard Schwartz-published by American Heritage Publishing Co., Inc., New York, 1974. I am condensing and paraphrasing this portion of the essay from this excellent book-beginning at page 133.) The state law involved in the Slaughter House Cases was enacted amid charges of widespread bribery and gave one company the exclusive right to slaughter livestock in New Orleans. This put one thousand butchers out of business. Although the law was held constitutional, four justices dissented strongly,stating that: .....a law which prohibits a large class of citizens from adopting a lawful employment, or from following a lawful employment previously adopted, does deprive them of liberty as well as property, without due process of law.
However over the next quarter century, this dissent developed into the law of the land. The U.S. Supreme Court held that the power to regulate was not the power to confiscate and laid down the rule that the Due Process Clause permitted the courts to review the substance of rate-fixing legislation - at least to determine whether particular rates were so low as to be confiscatory.
Meanwhile the sate courts were also developing this doctrine of substantive due process. In the Tenement House Cigar Case in 1885, New Yorks highest court stated that the liberty protected by due process meant ones right to live and work where and how he will; laws that limit his choice or place of work are infringements upon the fundamental rights of liberty, which are under constitutional protection.Other state courts followed a similar due process approach and had a direct influence on the U.S. Supreme Courts adoption of the substantive due process concept. In Allgeyer v. Louisiana, 165 U.S.578 (1897), for the first time, a state law was struck down by the U.S. Supreme Court on the ground that it infringed upon the liberty guaranteed by due. The statute in question prohibited an individual from contracting with an out-of- state marine insurance company for the insurance of property within the state. Such a law, it was held, deprives the defendants of their liberty without due process of law. The liberty referred to in the Due Process Clause,said Justice Rufus W. Peckhams opinion, embraces property rights, including that to pursue any lawful calling: In the privilege of pursuing an ordinary calling or trade, and of acquiring, holding and selling property, must be embraced the right to make all proper contracts in relation thereto. The Law in America,supra, 134 - 136. An important reaffirmation of the fundamental interdependence of personal and property rights without which individual liberty cannot be attained can be found in the thorough discussion of these related rights by the U.S. Supreme Court in Lynch v. Household Finance Corp. 405 U.S. 538, 551, 552 (1972). It is interesting to note that both Liberals and Conservatives accept the fundamental concept of substantive due process and affirm it when it upholds their political views and attack it when it doesnt. It has been pointed out that the emergence of modern large- scale industry,the protection afforded corporations as persons under the Fourteenth Amendment,(corporations were consistently assumed by the Supreme Court to be personsso that when the issue was raised in Santa Clara County v. Southern Pacific Railroad in 1886,the Court refused to hear argument on the issue-despite the fact that the issue had been extensively briefed by counsel - and wrote no opinion on the point. The Law in America,supra, 130-132), the consequent efforts at control of business and of judicial review of such legislation emerges from Allgeyer and its progeny.The Law in America,supra, at 136. On the other hand, the doctrine of Selective Incorporation through which almost all of the rights enumerated in the Bill of Rights(the first ten Amendments to the U.S. Constitution) were gradually applied to the states,(The Bill of Rights originally applied only to the Federal Government), was accomplished by the very same method of substantive due process. The Court used the term and concept of ordered liberty in the identical Due Process Clauses of the 5th and 14th Amendments to include the various rights enumerated in the Bill of Rights and apply them to the states on the grounds that these various rights all came within the concept of liberty. We should use these two related but different achievements to secure new economic and personal rights for children and adults-recognizing that the concepts of life,liberty and property protected by the Due Process Clauses of the 5th and 14th Amendments are one of the best vehicles we have to improve our revolution when Congress and the President find it politically expedient to let the American Revolution stagnate and perhaps regress. The basic economic needs and political and spiritual rights of individuals(including children) are deeply related to the rights of society as a whole and its ability to progress while maintaining order and safety without unduly restricting individual freedom. A constant balancing process is inevitable,and it is clear that the pendulum sometimes swings too far one way which often sets off an equally unbalanced reaction or backlash. The best way to avoid these extremes is to recognize the fundamental interdependence of personal and property rights and the fundamental interdependence of individual freedom and a well-ordered society-in the U.S. and around the world. Although U.S.law is not applicable to the rest of the world, much of our flawed but critical attempt to achieve freedom has been copied by others and our Constitution has been used as a model for securing human rights by the United Nations. The U.N Declaration on Human Rights was enacted primarily through the dedicated effort of Eleanor Roosevelt. However, it and the subsequent expansion which includes basic human economic needs in the U.N. Covenants reflect the fact that our Constitution never specifically included such needs although it provides a few methods of meeting these needs at home and abroad through fair trade and the powers accorded Congress (particularly in Article 1, Section 8) and the powers given to the President in Article 2 which deal primarily with foreign policy. Both human rights and property rights are foundations of our society, said President John F.Kennedy. Individual property rights should be secured because and to the extent that they coincide with social interests. (The Law in America,supra, at 335)
Ed. Davis
Edward Gray Davis 2030 Meadowlake Ct. Norfolk VA 23518 Tel: 757-855-4746 graydavis@surfbest.net graydavis3838@yahoo.com 11/17/02
Clarification of Original 7 page Memo and some Suggestions
Dear Doctors Butler,Waite, Murtaugh, Day and Semmelweis members, Thank you for your kind responses and your information. I would like to be a part of the effort to address the peer review problem and hope Dr. Amarasinghe will soon send you my original memo and will now have more time to devote to this important cause. Some of you may have the original memo which is dated 5-18-02 and begins Dear Dr. Amarasinghe.It has my old street address on it, but the e-mail is still correct, and I am currently staying with Dr. Amarasinghe at 2030 Meadowlake Ct., Norfolk, VA 23518. My phone is (757) 855-4746 and the e-mail is still graydavis@surfbest.net. The first three pages essentially deal with what physicians can do under existing law, and page 3 is the most critical part of this analysis. Beginning at page 4, I discuss the Due Process Clauses of the 5th(applies to the Federal Government) and the 14th(applies to the states) Amendments. This letter is intended to supplement and hopefully clarify pages 4-7 of the memo and to open discussion as to how we might best proceed to change the existing law so that the basic elements of both PROCEDURAL and SUBSTANTIVE DUE PROCESS are applied to the peer review process. Ideally this could be done by getting a member of Congress(and as many other members as possible) to introduce and sponsor or co-sponsor legislation which would accomplish this in itself or by amending the HCQIA so as to expand the existing exception and include the basic elements of due process so that they will apply to the peer review process in hospitals which are public or are affected by state action such as the receipt of Hill- Burton funds. I understand that perhaps 90% of hospitals either receive public funds,affect interstate commerce or receive some sort of federal or state assistance sufficient to destroy the immunity from legal action under the U.S. Constitution which a totally private hospital enjoys. It should be remembered that such immunity from constitutional attack does NOT mean that truly private hospitals are immune from attack under the federal and state civil rights laws which I have discussed in the first three pages of the memo and in the various letters I have written to some of you recently. We may want to contact The Center for Constitutional Rights in New York City (212) 614-6464 to see if they can reccomend particular legislators who are staunch advocates of Constitutional and Civil Rights who might be willing to draft and introduce the needed legislation. Of course the A.C.L.U. should also be contacted, but they are usually less willing to take the really tough cases although they may be willing to reccomend legislators whom they consider staunch advocates of Constitutional and Civil Rights who might be willing to introduce Federal legislation to apply due process to the peer review system. Due process is a phrase which has been interpreted by the Supreme Court over the years in two different but often complementary ways, and I think that our attempt to apply due process to the peer review system should utilize both. The first interpretation is known as PROCEDURAL DUE PROCESS, and it is the usual way most people think of Due Process. This includes the right to be given notice of the charges against you, the right to confront your accuser(s), the right to have compulsory process for obtaining witnesses in your favor(subpoenas), the right to a hearing or trial, the right to counsel(in criminal cases) and so on. Obviously it is necessary to apply these basic aspects(or at least most of them) to the peer review process. It is important to note that procedural due process isnt confined to trials but is now required in administrative hearings and even in most school disciplinary proceedings. I have done many Administrative Hearings(e.g. attempts to deny terminated employees unemployment compenstion, S.S.I.and S.S.D.I., Social Security, Workers Compensation, Restriction or termination of welfare and veterans benefits,etc.) and all of them require most of the basic elements of procedural due process (see the U.S Supreme Court case Goldberg v. Kelly(1970) the cite for which I dont have with me but can find easily) -. although Administrative Hearings are not full trials and dont have to include all of the elements of procedural due process which a full trial might. But the basics are there even though the extent of procedural due process may vary with the severity of the charge and whether the case is heard at a hearing or in a full trial. Of course the right to counsel applies to criminal trials but not civil trials except to some in which a person may lose something very significant such as loss of custody of a child to the State Child Protective Services Agency. On the other hand, it is surprising to many to learn how much procedural due process is now required in even minor school disciplinary proceedings. I have represented students in cases which can only result in temporary suspension for up to ten days, and these proceedings involve witnesses for and against as well as hearings before the school board. If expulsion is a possibility, procedural due process (written in the state law as well as in the school regulations or by-laws) usually approaches the level accorded those involved in a full trial - including the right to counsel. I once represented a high school senior in Court because the school tried to deny her the right to participate in her graduation ceremonies (although it did not try to deny her right to graduate) because she had missed the rehearsal for the graduation ceremony because she had gone to Pittsburgh to visit a cancer victim she had known all her life who was about to die. Although I believe procedural due process should be applied to school cases even when suspension rather than expulsion is the worst that can happen (since students often frame one another for various reasons), it is absurd to live in a system which takes procedural due process so seriously in relatively minor cases and denies it to physicians who are in danger of losing their careers, reputation,health and income through a process which has severe, negative impact on the public health simultaneously. This severe impact on a physician illustrates the second, or SUBSTANTIVE aspect of DUE PROCESS. I discuss this beginning at page 4 of my memo in the second paragraph and devote most of pages 5-7 to it. I cite several cases in the memo, but there are many others which show clearly how the U.S Supreme Court has construed the terms liberty and property broadly but logically to see that the SUBSTANTIVE aspect of due process must also be protected by the Due Process Clauses of the 5th and 14th Amendments. A good example of the Courts construction of the term liberty in the substantive sense is found in the following language used by the Court in Meyer v. Nebraska, 262 U.S. 390(1923). Speaking of the libertyprotected by the due process clause, Mr. Justice McReynolds stated:Without doubt, it denotes not merely freedom from bodily restraint, BUT ALSO THE RIGHT OF THE INDIVIDUAL TO CONTRACT, TO ENGAGE IN ANY ANY OF THE COMMON OCCUPATIONS OF LIFE, TO ACQUIRE USEFUL KNOWLEDGE, TO MARRY, ESTABLISH A HOME A HOME AND BRING UP CHILDREN.....AND, GENERALLY, TO ENJOY THOSE PRIVILEGES LONG RECOGNIZED AT COMMON LAW AS ESSENTIAL TO THE ORDERLY PURSUIT OF HAPPINESS BY FREE MEN. This statement not only reminds us of Jeffersons most famous phrase in the Declaration of Independence but reaffirms the traditional concept of Liberty as embodying not just freedom FROM but freedom TO. As my memo points out, the term property has also been given the same broad but logical construction by the U.S. Supreme Court. Depriving one of surgical privileges which severely reduces ones income, ones right to acquire useful knowledge, ones right to pursue ones chosen career or employment and ones privilege (or right - in Jeffersons phrase) to pursue happiness is clearly to deprive one of both Liberty and Propertywithout the PROCEDURAL due process required by the Constitution, and this is exactly what the outrageous peer review process often does and is clearly prone to repeat at will. One can hardly imagine a more perfect example of a process which is inherently prone to deprive a physician of his or her PROCEDURAL AND SUBSTANTIVE RIGHTS GUARANTEED BY THE IDENTICAL DUE PROCESS CLAUSES OF THE 5TH AND 14TH AMENDMENTS. The term Liberty as it occurs in the 14th Amendments due process clause is so important that it was used as the vehicle through which virtually all the enumerated rights contained in The Bill of Rights(the first ten amandments to the U.S. Constitution) were gradually applied and enforced on the states. As you know ,the Bill of Rights originally and for many years applied only to the Federal Government. However, the term Liberty is so broad and contains so many rights if it is to have any meaning, that the U.S Supreme Court was able to use it to apply almost all of the many, specific and different rights contained in the first ten Amendments to the states on the grounds that a person cannot be said to enjoy ordered liberty unless he or she has the rights to free speech,freedom of religion,the press, association,etc.(the First Amendment)-the freedom from illegal search and seizure (4th Amendment) the freedom against self -incrimination or to have private property taken for public use without just compensation (5th Amendment), the various procedural rights which apply in criminal prosecutions(6th Amendment) freedom from excessive bail and cruel and unusual punishment(8th Amendment) and so on.(See paragraph 2 on page 7 of my memo). It is also useful to note that the Ninth Amendment opens the door to the creation or recognition of rights not specifically enumerated in the Constitution when it states that The enumeration in the Constitution, of certain rights, shall not be construed to deny or disparage others retained by the people. This was used along with other parts of the Bill of Rights in the historic case Griswold v. Connecticut,381 U.S.479;14 L. Ed. 2d. 510; 85 Sup. Ct. 1678(1965) in which the U.S. Supreme Court struck down a Connecticut statute which prohibited cotraception even by married persons and in doing so created a new right of privacy. Of course this led ultimately to its decision in Roe v. Wade protecting a womans right to terminate a pregnancy,in consultation with her physician, during the first six months as part of her right to privacy - the Court set the time limit based on testimony regarding when the fetus might be viable if born. Of course the controversy is still intense on this issue and has had an enormous effect on Presidential elections(particularly the last one) because of the Presidents power to nominate justices to the Supreme Court who may be pro- choice or pro-life. Regardless of ones position on this or the Courts overruling of the Florida Supreme Court in the Bush- Gore election(on the grounds that the Equal Protection Clause of the 14th Amendment would be violated if a voter in one county who imperfectly perforated his ballot in the same way as a voter in another county had his vote counted while the voter in the other county had his declared invalid),this shows the continuing power of the Court and the Constitution to affect every aspect of our lives. These powers should be used to change the peer review system. Laws and practices can exist indefinitely, even though they violate the most fundamental rights guaranteed by the Constitution, unless someone challenges them through legislation, in the courts or both. Sincerely,
Gray Davis
Edward Gray Davis 2030 Meadowlake Ct. Norfolk VA 23518 Tel: 757-855-4746 graydavis@surfbest.net graydavis3838@yahoo.com 11/17/02
Dear Dr. ---, Thank you very much for your response which Dr. Amarasinghe has given me. The critical section of the HCQIA which allows damages is discussed on page 3 of my memo near the bottom of the 4th paragraph. It is in bold face and states : However, Congress created an EXPRESS EXCEPTION TO THE IMMUNITY PROVISION IN THE CASE OF CIVIL RIGHTS ACTIONS, See Id. Sec. 11111(a)1(providing that the exemption from liability in damages SHALL NOT APPLY TO DAMAGES UNDER ANY LAW OF THE UNITED STATES OR ANY STATE RELATING TO THE CIVIL RIGHTS OF ANY PERSON OR PERSONS, including the Civil Rights Act of 1964, 42 U.S.C. 2000e et.seq. and the Civil Rights Acts, 42 U.S.C. 1981 et. seq.) In short the HCQIA(42 U.S.C. Sec. 11111(a)1) does allow damages when the physician alleges a violation(s) of any civil rights law as part of his complaint. This includes the antitrust laws. It is particularly significant that the U.S. Supreme Court was careful to point out this exception allowing damages in its decision in Univ. of Pennsylvania v. EEOC, 493 U.S. 182 at page 189. The Defendants had made the argument that damages were precluded by Congress in the HCQIA, and this caused the Supreme Court to dismiss that argument by pointing to the EXPRESS EXCEPTION contained in Section 11111(a)1 which allows damages in the case of civil rights actions. A complaint alleging that a peer review committees action was unfair must include a specific complaint that the review violated one or more of the numerous civil rights laws, and this isnt difficult to do. Of course the plaintiff needs to show that he or she has been damaged, but this shouldnt be difficult to do when one has lost privileges and/or income as a result of the unfavorable review. An interesting example of a doctor being awarded damages in an out of court settlement is the Shah v. Memorial Hospital case which I refer to on page 2. Dr. Amarasinghe knows him and his attorney, and we have included an article from the Danville Register of June 1, 1989 which describes the case. It is interesting to note that Dr. Shah received damages based on his claim of economic discrimination - not on his claim of racial discrimination. Both are valid civil rights claims allowed by Congress and the U.S. Supreme Court. Such a result would not be possible if Congress had mandated that a physician cannot collect money damages for an unfavorable peer review peer review. The express exception which Congress provided in 42 U.S.C. Sec. 11111(a)1 is the key, and the U.S Supreme Court has expressly confirmed it. It may be that the physicians who have been told by lawyers that they cannot collect damages have been talking to lawyers who were unaware of the specific exception. You say at the end of the day so Im not sure whether you have received this information after talking with a lawyer or actually going to court and pleading the case properly to include the express exception allowing damages when you allege a violation(s) of one or more of the numerous Federal and state civil rights laws. It could be that some physicians have been put off by lawyers who dont think they can afford to take the case or that the lawyer pleaded the case improperly by failing to include the specific, express exception written by Congress and affirmed by the U.S. Supreme Court which allows money damages to be awarded when the complaint includes an alleged violation(s) of one or more of the civil rights laws. The Shah case occurred in the 4th Circuit(one of the most conservative in the country) which is probably one reason that Shah received money damages for economic rather than racial discrimination. However both claims are perfectly legitimate as part of the broad range of civil rights claims that can be made and result in the award of money damages under the HCQIA as expressly approved by the U.S. Supreme Court. I wish you well in your efforts. Please do not hesitate to contact me or Dr. Amarasinghe again since he knows Shah and can probably put you in touch with his attorney, Bob Meals. Sincerely, Gray Davis
Re: Dr. Waite 11-3-02 By Gray Davis 2030 Meadowlake Ct. Norfolk, VA 23518 graydavis@surfbest.net
Dear Dr. Waite, Enclosed is a legal memo I wrote for Dr. Amarasinghe last May which explores many of the issues raised by the outrageous peer review process and ways of resolving them in favor of the physician unfairly targeted by his or her peers. Of course new legislation would be desirable, but the cases cited in the first three pages of the memo offer hope - particularly Memorial Hospital v. Shadur, 664 F.2d 1058,1062,1063 (7th Cir. 1981) and the fact that the U.S, Supreme Court relied heavily on it when it decided Univ. of Pennsylvania v. EEOC, 493 U.S. 182 (1990). Most of the rest of the memo deals with the application of the Due Process clauses of the 5th and 14th Amendments to such cases. Of course, as you know, the U.S. Constitution cant be used against private hospitals, but there are many private hospitals which can be attacked using the Constitution if they receive Hill- Burton funds or other public monies. Of course the cases in which the physician alleges a violation of any civil right protected by Federal law(such as antitrust law or the Civil Rights Acts) can be pursued against purely private hospitals and their peer review committees as well as public ones. The great power of the Due Process clauses of the 5th and 14th Amendments lies in the fact that the U.S. Supreme Court and other courts have often interpreted the words liberty and propertyvery broadly to include the right to pursue any legal form of employment and other rights without which a person can hardly be said to have liberty or property or the means of attaining them. Many of these cases are cited in the memo and include both liberal and conservativecases. In fact some of the best language comes from the conservative cases which are so anxious to protect a person or corporations liberty and/or property rights that they include them within the protection of the 5th and/or 14th Amendments prohibition of deprivation of life, liberty or property without the due process of law. The current peer review process can hardly be said to conform to the standards of due process of lawas the memo makes clear. I wish the 6th Amendment could also be used since it includes the very things the physician under review needs- such as the right to be confronted with the witnesses against him; to have compulsory process for obtaining witnesses in his favor, and to have the assistance of counsel for his defense. Unfortunately,as you know, the 6th Amendments right to a speedy and public trial by an impartial jury only applies to criminal prosecutions. Although the consequences of an unfavorable peer review (secret, kangaroo court, retaliatory) proceeding may often be more damaging than conviction of a crime, such peer review proceedings arent trials of a person accused of committing a crime. In so many ways they resemble a criminal trial without the safeguards which the Constitution and other laws provide that I think we must continue to attack them - not only to protect the doctors but the public - as the Shadur case states at page 3 of my memo. That page is also particularly important because it discusses the U.S. Supreme Courts careful review of how Congress created the Health Care Quality Improvement Act of 1986(HCQIA) and made an express exception to the immunity provision in any case where damages due to the violation of any law of the U.S. or any state relating to the civil rights of any person or persons may have occurred to the physician. As I mentioned earlier, this isnt confined to what one might normally think of as Civil Rights such as racial,gender or age discrimination but includes economic discrimination and the whole panoply of federal antitrust law. Those who might not favor aggressive enforcement of such civil rights laws are almost always rabid in their desire to enforce laws which restrict competition and allow a few less competent physicians to destroy or damage a more competent physicians career in secret so they can keep their fees high and endanger the publics health by restricting the supply of physicians and excluding from that supply highly competent physicians while forcing the public to seek treatment from a restricted supply of physicians which includes dangerous ones. Congratulations on the crucial work you have been doing in bringing this largely hidden danger to the attention of so many. Sincerely, Gray Davis
Edward Gray Davis 2030 Meadowlake Ct. Norfolk VA 23518 Tel: 757-855-4746 graydavis@surfbest.net graydavis3838@yahoo.com 11/17/02
Dear Ms. Szabo, Congratulations on your article( The Virginian - Pilot, Saturday, Nov. 16, 2002, page B1) describing the efforts of Delegate Sears and members of the Virginia Board of Medicine to empower the Board and protect the public from dangerous doctors. However I think that the current system is also prone to abuse of a different type which damages the public health, damages competent physicians and protects dangerous doctors by denying the most fundamental elements of due process to those accused of various infractions whether the charges are true or not. The enclosed memo attempts to deal with this widespread problem - particularly at pages 2 and 3. There is a clear need for new legislation which protects the public from dangerous physicians and allows violations of antitrust and civil rights laws in the process. Sometimes dangerous physicians are part of the good old boy club and protect themselves and their dangerous colleagues (and their high fees) through restricting competition by denying privileges to more competent physicians who are unable to defend themselves (except through costly suits in Federal Court- a remedy which most physicians are unaware of) since there is no Administrative Procedure which accords them due process or access to the relevant records. Although my memo deals primarily with reform at the Federal level and the need to amend the Health Care Quality Improvement Act of 1986 to make the basic elements of due process mandatory rather than merely recommended, the basic issue is the same at the state level. It is impossible to protect the public from dangerous doctors and good doctors from prejudiced and perhaps dangerous doctors unless these proceedings are governed by procedural due process which culminate in a hearing before an impartial Board of Medicine which has access to all the relevant evidence and in which the accused can confront his/her accusers. It is shocking to discover that the most important cornerstone of our freedom (the Constitutional right not to be deprived of life, liberty or property without the due process of law) is destroyed by secrecy and the use of confidentiality by hospitals and peer review committees to block the search for truth and open the door to a wide variety of abuses and illegalities which adversely impact both the unfairly targetted physician and the publics health. Due process is applicable in Administrative law (even including school disciplinary proceedings), and this is critical to fundamental fairness as well as to protecting the public by providing an impartial process which is our best method for determining which physicians are dangerous, which are competent and which may have unfairly labeled physicians superior to themselves as dangerous by removing or denying them privileges in secret out of prejudice, the impulse to retaliate, jealousy or their desire to make more money at the publics expense by lowering the supply of competent physicians in the area.
Sincerely, Gray Davis
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